The art of statesmanship is to foresee the inevitable and to expedite its occurrence.
Thursday, July 10, 2008
Missiles and Sabres Rattling All Over the Place
Wednesday, July 9, 2008
Feckless
My good friends, this is the second time in our history that there has come back from Germany to Downing Street peace with honour. I believe it is peace for our time. We thank you from the bottom of our hearts. And now I recommend you to go home and sleep quietly in your beds.Neville Chamberlain (1869–1940), Prime Minister of Great Britain. speech, 30 September 1938, Downing Street, London, on the occasion of the Munich Agreement with Nazi Germany.* * *Gorman: Apone! Look... we can't have any firing in there. I, uh... I want you to collect magazines from everybody.Hudson: Is he fuckin' crazy?Frost: What the hell are we supposed to use man? Harsh language?Aliens (1986) William Hope as "Lieut. Gorman," Al Matthews as "Sgt. Apone," Bill Paxton as "Pvt. Hudson," Ricco Ross as "Pvt. Frost." Directed by James Cameron.
There is no doubt that we're seeing rising tensions in the area. . . It's part of the reason why it's so important for us to have a coherent policy with respect to Iran.... It has to combine much tougher threats of economic sanctions with direct diplomacy, opening up channels of communication, so that we avoid provocation but we give the Iranians strong incentives to change their behavior. . .Part of what we have to do is get the Europeans, the Chinese, the Russians to recognize that it is in nobody's interests, including Iran's, I believe, to have a nuclear weapon that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region.
Iran's provocative test launching of long-range missiles is detrimental to a resolution of the issues that separate Iran from the international community. Widespread condemnation from around the world should send a clear signal to Iranian leaders that such actions hinder diplomatic efforts to bring stability to the Middle East.
Tuesday, July 1, 2008
"Go Hang," Dead Man Mugabe Says
Sunday, June 29, 2008
Obama the Flip Master
Normally, flip-flopping presidential candidates have to worry about the press. Not Obama. After all, this is a press corps that heard his grandiloquent Philadelphia speech — designed to rationalize why “I can no more disown (Jeremiah Wright) than I can disown my white grandmother” — then wiped away a tear and hailed him as the second coming of Abraham Lincoln. Three months later, with Wright disowned, grandma embraced and the great “race speech” now inoperative, not a word of reconsideration is heard from his media acolytes.
. . .the New York Times expressed a sympathetic understanding of Obama’s about-face by buying his preposterous claim that it was a pre-emptive attack on McCain’s 527 independent expenditure groups — notwithstanding the fact that (a) as Politico’s Jonathan Martin notes, “there are no serious anti-Obama 527s in existence nor are there any immediate plans to create such a group” and (b) the only independent ad of any consequence now running in the entire country is an AFSCME-MoveOn.org co-production savaging McCain.True, Obama’s U-turn on public financing was not done for ideological reasons, it was done for Willie Sutton reasons: That’s where the money is. It nonetheless betrayed a principle that so many in the press claimed to hold dear.
Thursday, June 26, 2008
Justice Kennedy's Constitution
Tuesday, June 24, 2008
Globalized Media and War
We need first of all to recognize this is a real war. Our enemies are peaceful when they're weak, are ruthless when they're strong, demand mercy when they're losing, show no mercy when they're winning. They understand exactly what this is, and anybody who reads Sun Tzu will understand exactly what we're living through. This is a total war. One side is going to win. One side is going to lose. You'll be able to tell who won and who lost by who's still standing. Most of Islam is not in this war, but most of Islam isn't going to stop this war. They're just going to sit to one side and tell you how sorry they are that this happened. We had better design grand strategies that are radically bigger and radically tougher and radically more honest than anything currently going on, and that includes winning the argument in Europe, and it includes winning the argument in the rest of the world. . . .
Newt Gingrich, Speech to the Jewish National Fund, 15 November 2007.
The Bush administration and the Defense Department have been fighting a war of attrition against both radical jihadist and a hostile global media. These wars are obviously tightly interrelated. It appears as if the Bush administration and the U.S. military have bankrupted the media “enemy.” Now what remains to be seen is whether this success will come too late to affect the outcome against the real jihadist enemies in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Cynical observers of the mainstream media have always suspected that the MSM have been little better than war profiteers, guided by the editorial dictum “if it bleeds, it leads”. . .
Most of us agree with Westhawk that America needs “. . .an independent media to keep it informed and to provide a check on government power.” But what checks and balances the checkers ? The powerful and connected media of today (I am primarily thinking of television, the pundit class and the prestige journals) is easily the most important actor on the American political scene: staffed by a knowledge elite increasingly separated by education, inclination, income and interest from its audience. Who are these people accountable to ? What do they believe in ? Naturally, as Westhawk points out ".. .media reporters, producers, editors, and owners seek to influence public policy, not merely report on it."
Really big media and the knowledge class that feed it are among the prime beneficiaries of globalization. However, the existence of big wired media and the natural bias of this animal towards leading with the bleeding creates a serious military disadvantage for entities such as the United States, because adversaries can leverage freedom in their favor. As Westhawk puts it: ". . .modern 'fourth-generation warfare' adversaries see media and information operations as their principal weapon. Bombs, rockets, and rifles exist only to support the media weapon."
By contrast, the US and other westernized free countries with Big Media and open societies pay a disproportionate military price for the free gathering and dissemination of so much information. Sensitivity towards casualties and portrayals of devastation in the media create for large state entails an increasing inability to leverage their size and economic advantages, and make real military use of them. In the context of insurgency, then, as Westhawk puts it "U.S. military planners should anticipate that it will take longer to subdue modern insurgencies than it will take for the mainstream media to turn the U.S. public against a counterinsurgency effort."
Westhawk’s prescription (at least for low-intensity conflict) seems in general correct, but begs the question of what the US might do if, contrary to all expectations, it ever again has to fight a high-intensity war in the present political and cultural environment, that requires the use of general purpose units. Can a modern media-centric state fight a big war at all, no matter how badly it might need to ? How might the US compete militarily with a great power adversary with a powerful economy and military that is, however, not favored with ". . .an independent media to keep it informed and to provide a check on government power" ?
Perhaps more realistically, how will the US perform in a low-intensity conflict that it can't afford to back away from (probably over resources, or the security of some otherwise vital interest), in which the insurgents have the covert or more or less overt backing of such a major power ?
The US has enjoyed the great good fortune of not having great power involvement on the other side in its present conflict. There is no reason to assume such immunity will continue forever, and the circle that could not be squared in Vietnam will probably have to be confronted again, over strategic interests of much greater importance, under even more unfavorable cultural and political conditions.
The large nation state still seems to be the best vehicle by which to secure the liberty and prosperity of great numbers of people: protecting the law-abiding from harm, while still managing to reserve to these same people a reasonable degree of liberty and self-government. But we still have to answer the question as to whether such a polity can successfully protect itself, in a world with (1) states that have great economic and military power, but do not care so much for liberty; (2) well-financed criminals all over the world endowed with greater destructive power and mobility than ever before, who function well in the new globalized world; and (3) other entities created by the marriage of liberty and technology, that pursue their own interests without reference or care for the strategic interests of free peoples and states. The issue is in doubt.
New Seal Delayed. . .
He trampled vintage Clinton in the school of Hard Knocks;
He hath loosed the fearful lightning of Move-On's back-stabbing sword:
St. Barack is marching on !
Glory, glory, hallelujah!
St. Barack is marching on !
They have builded Him an altar in the Global Warming damps;
But I can't read His righteous sentence in the eco-friendly lamps:
St. Barack is marching on !
He is sifting out the hearts of men in the pollsters judgment-seat:
Oh, be swift, left donors, to answer Him! be jubilant, libs bleat!
St, Barack is marching on !
With Soros's backing in His pocket that transfigures you and me:
As He campaigns to Bring us Hope, let us Change to be PC!
He is coming, the glory of the mainstream media to save,
He is funded by the mighty, Coming to undo the brave,
So the world shall be His footstool, and the middle class tax-slaves:
St. Barack is marching on !
(Chorus)
Saturday, June 21, 2008
Meet the Wackos and See Your Future
Friday, June 20, 2008
The Leader's New Seal
Instead of the Latin 'E pluribus unum' (Out of many, one), Obama's says 'Vero possumus', rough Latin for 'Yes, we can.' Instead of 'Seal of the President of the United States', Obama's Web site address is listed. And instead of a shield, Obama's eagle wears his 'O' campaign logo with a rising sun representing hope ahead.
Monday, June 16, 2008
Che, and Change We Can Believe In
Friday, June 13, 2008
Tim Russert
King Anthony's Supreme Court
Thursday, June 12, 2008
North vs. South
IA (Rasmussen): Obama +7
NJ (Quinnipiac): Obama +6
WI (U of. Wisconsin): Obama +13
MA (Suffolk): Obama +23
AL (AEA): McCain +24
FL (Rasmussen): McCain + 10
TX (Rasmussen): McCain +13
I've always been proud to be from Alabama, and live in Texas. I like Florida too. . .
"No Prisoners" Says the Supreme Court
Today the Court warps our Constitution in a way that goes beyond the narrow issue of the reach of the Suspension Clause, invoking judicially brainstormed separation of-powers principles to establish a manipulable "functional" test for the extraterritorial reach of habeas corpus (and, no doubt, for the extraterritorial reach of other constitutional protections as well). It blatantly misdescribes important precedents, most conspicuously Justice Jackson’s opinion for the Court in Johnson v. Eisentrager. It breaks a chain of precedent as old as the common law that prohibits judicial inquiry into detentions of aliensabroad absent statutory authorization. And, most tragically, it sets our military commanders the impossible task of proving to a civilian court, under whatever standards this Court devises in the future, that evidence supports the confinement of each and every enemy prisoner.The Nation will live to regret what the Court has done today. I dissent.Boumediene v. Bush, No. 06-1195, slip op. at 25 (U.S. Jun. 12, 2008) (Scalia J., dissenting).
Full Decks
Friday, June 6, 2008
Cars
Wednesday, June 4, 2008
Midway, 4-7 June 1942

HIJMS Hiryū dodges a stick of bombs dropped by a US Army Air Forces B-17 heavy bomber at about 8 a.m. on 4 June 1942, northwest of Midway Atoll. Note the large hinomaru (Rising Sun) painted on Hiryū's bow. Two aircraft, probably A6M2 Zero fighters, appear to be parked amidships, just forward of the ship's center elevator, near Hiryū's island. The Rising Sun would make a convenient aiming point for US Navy SBD Dauntless dive bomber pilots that same evening. (USAF Photo)
Went the day well ?We died and never knew.But, well or ill, Freedom, we died for you.John Maxwell Edmonds, London Times, 6 February 1918.
All Hail St. Barack the Leader !
Tuesday, June 3, 2008
200th Birthday of Jefferson Davis
I rise. . .for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Mississippi. . .has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions are terminated here. It has seemed to me proper, however, that I should appear in the Senate to announce that fact to my associates. . .
. . .It is by this confounding of nullification and secession that the name of a great man [Andrew Jackson] . . .has been invoked to justify coercion against a seceded State. The phrase, “to execute the laws,” was an expression which General Jackson applied to the case of a State refusing to obey the laws while yet a member of the Union. That is not the case which is now presented. The laws are to be executed over the United States. . .They have no relation to any foreign country. It is a perversion of terms, at least it is a great misapprehension of the case, which cites that expression for application to a State which has withdrawn from the Union. . .there are no laws of the Untied States to be executed within the limits of a seceded State. . .
I am sure I feel no hostility to you, Senators from the North. I am sure there is not one of you, whatever sharp discussion there may have been between us, to whom I cannot now saw, in the presence of my God, I wish you well; and such, I am sure, is the feeling of the people whom I represent towards those whom you represent. I therefore feel that I but express their desire when I say I hope, and they hope, for peaceful relations with you, though we must part. They may be mutually beneficial to us in the future, as they have been in the past, if you so will it. The reverse may bring disaster on every portion of the country; and if you will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered us from the power of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear; and thus, putting our trust in God and in our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindicate the right as best we may. . .
Jefferson Davis, Farewell Address to the U.S. Senate, delivered on occasion of the secession of Mississippi, 21 January 1861. The Papers of Jefferson Davis, Vol. 7, 1861, at pp. 18-22 (LSU Press, 1992).
A graduate of West Point, a hero of the Battle of Buena Vista (22 February 1847, where he was wounded, his regiment breaking a charge of Mexican lancers) briefly a son-in-law of Zachary Taylor, Davis was already nationally well known and widely considered a great orator when he arose in the Senate to give the speech, quoted above, saying good-bye to the Senate after secession, before heading south.
Davis was, in Southern terms, a moderate in the secession crisis of 1860-61. Unusually for a Southern politician, he denied the legality of nullification, disapproved of secession (though considering it a lawful remedy), and had tried to dissuade Southern fire-eaters from breaking up the Union. But when Mississippi left the United States, Davis, hewing to the law as he understood it – left also, never looking back -- and wholeheartedly and completely dedicated his life to the service and success of the new Confederacy.
Davis believed that his talents were of more use to his country in the military, but, as he probably understood from the beginning, it was virtually inevitable that Davis -- precisely because he was widely known as a moderate, and not to have been in the forefront of the secession movement -- would be chosen as the Confederacy’s President. As President, Davis discharged his office to the best of his considerable ability, but he was too innately conservative to make a good revolutionary; too proud to compromise and negotiate with politicians ignorant of what war demanded (e.g. Alexander Stephens and Joseph Brown); too quarrelsome with some prickly personalities (e.g. Joseph E. Johnston) yet too deferential towards some of his generals (e.g. Braxton Bragg), and more apt to be impressed by a West Point credential than by results in the field.
In general, President Davis was a good war leader, and enjoyed the trust of and a good working relationship with the Confederacy’s best general, Robert E. Lee. But as to Tennessee and the campaigns along the Mississippi in 1862-63, and in Georgia in 1864, President Davis’s strategic vision and decision-making faltered and was found wanting.
Still, President Davis did all for Confederate victory that he could, and the South chose its President wisely. Davis oversaw the construction of a Confederate Army, Navy and military industry virtually from scratch. By miles and miles the most nationalist leader of a deeply individualist and rabidly states-rights nation: at the end, President Davis probably would have kept fighting even after Appomattox had he not been captured by US cavalry near Irwindale, Georgia on 10 May 1865.
Held prisoner for two years at Fort Monroe, Virginia, under sometimes degrading conditions that did no credit to the US government; the President was ultimately freed when the US government decided not to prosecute him for treason. The Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court, among others, doubted the ability of the government to secure and defend a conviction.
Davis lived until 1889, traveling to Europe and other places, and writing, among other works, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, a defense of the Confederacy and his administration, which proved, among other things, that Davis would have made a great lawyer.
The former Confederate President died without having his civil rights restored – primarily because he refused to apply for a pardon. To the end of his life: Davis maintained that all he had done, and that the Confederacy had done, had been within the law. Disdaining the title of rebel -- “sovereigns never rebel” he said – Davis felt that nothing he had done required a pardon, and he would have indignantly refused the posthumous pardon Trent Lott put through Congress for Jimmy Carter to sign in 1978. Still, before he died, the former President had put the past behind him: although proud of the past, he believed that it was past – that the Confederacy was part of history. And so is he, ever part of our heritage, and not forgotten by some of us. RIP.
